Speaker,
The ACDP would also like to extend its deepest condolences to the families of the 14 brave soldiers who died in the DRC. Our prayers are also with all those who were wounded – may they speedily recover.
We said the same words in July last year during the Budget vote on Defence after we had then lost a number of soldiers. We then warned that we must either ensure that our deployed troops are properly equipped or bring them home. Properly equipped means air support – Rooivalk helicopters, medical facilities, logistical capabilities, radar defence systems, artillery, drones and heavy mortars. These were sadly lacking and contributed to the tragic loss of lives in battle.
The ACDP has repeatedly stated that the defence budget is insufficient for the SANDF to fulfil its mandate. We shouldn’t deploy our troops in peacekeeping roles without the necessary resources – let alone in this more offensive peace- enforcement role to “neutralise negative forces and armed groups…” (as set out in the Status of Forces Agreement). This mandate empowers offensive operations, hardly reconcilable with any peacekeeping mission.
We also now know that certain senior ranking officers warned against this deployment citing significant operational risks, notably the lack of air support. But their concerns were ignored. They were allegedly even reprimanded Why?
The success of previous campaigns in the DRC in 2013 and 2020 was largely attributable to air support provided by Rooivalk attack helicopters. How could an even more offensive engagements be undertaken without combat air support and a strategic air bridge?
The lack of air support to deployed forces is also in direct contradiction to the 2015 Defence Review that noted, “Deployed landward and maritime forces must be supported through appropriate airspace control, reconnaissance, close-air support, augmentation of firepower and inter alia air mobility in complex operational circumstances. The air defence capability must also be capable of strategic reach and joint rapid response across the spectrum of conflict, supporting the sustainment of protracted joint operations over long distances.”
In addition to the funding issue, serious questions need to be asked about the training of troops with a senior officer saying that “They were killed because of a failure of planning”. The troops on the ground stood no chance since they landed in the DRC.”
It seems that there was insufficient pre-deployment training done, particularly given the technologically more advanced Rwandan-backed M23. Was there any intelligence provided of the impending M23 attack, and if not why not?
Whilst acknowledging that our troops fought like lions and that M23 sustained heavy losses running into hundreds, it appears for all intents and purposes that it was indeed a “mission impossible!”
Chairperson, while the ACDP welcomes the Joint Standing Committee on Defence’s decision to call the Presidency to account on the extension and justification for the deployment, we request that a full parliamentary oversight inquiry be held into this humiliating deployment which has severely damaged the reputation of South Africa and the SANDF both regionally and internationally. In two comparable cases, following Operation Boleas in Lesotho in 1998 and following the Battle of Bangui in the CAR in 2023, full parliamentary inquiries after the operations were concluded. We believe this is warranted, given that our remaining troops are essentially hostages in the hands of the rebels. Should we start engaging those that are outside our bases, it places our troops in the bases at great risk. It is basically a stalemate.
While we appreciate that our troops were part of the SADC mission, why were South Africa, Malawi and Tanzania the only countries out of 16 to contribute forces? As it is Malawi is now withdrawing its troops.
Is the speculation that our troops are being deployed to protect mining interests linked to politically connected persons in South Africa true? We already know that the M23 rebels captured the cobalt rich Rubaya Mines in North Kivus province, and that Rwanda is the biggest exporter of this and other minerals from the DRC.
But what about South African links? What role does Bridgette Radebe – sister to Patrice Motsepe and wife to Jeff Radebe, who is the President of the Southern African Mining Development association which is reportedly targeting the Rubaya Mines play? President Ramaophosa’s wife is also Patrice Motsepe’s sibling. Jeff Radebe was appointed his Special Envoy to the Great lakes. Is this coincidence? I think not?
Lastly, the ACDP also welcomes calls for an “immediate and unconditional cease fire” within five days following this weekend’s summit of African leaders.
We also urge that our troops be returned to South Africa as Malawi is doing. BRING THEM HOME!
I thank you.
[Check Against Delivery]
